U.S. Middle East Project
* International Crisis
Group * New America Foundation/American Strategy Program
BECAUSE
FAILURE RISKS DEVASTATING CONSEQUENCES, IT IS CRITICALLY IMPORTANT THAT THE
MIDDLE EAST PEACE CONFERENCE SUCCEED.
The following
letter on the Middle East peace conference scheduled for Annapolis, Maryland,
in late November was sent by its eight original signers on October 10, 2007 to
President George W. Bush and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. Since then, a
number of leading former public officials and intellectuals have signed on to
the letter in their individual rather than institutional capacities. The
letter, a joint initiative by the New America Foundation/American Strategy
Program, the International Crisis Group, and the US/Middle East Project, Inc.,
was printed in the November 8, 2007 issue of the New York Review of Books.
Dear President Bush and Secretary Rice:
The Israeli-Palestinian peace conference announced by President
Bush and scheduled for November presents a genuine opportunity for progress
toward a two-state solution. The Middle East remains mired in its worst crisis
in years, and a positive outcome of the conference could play a critical role
in stemming the rising tide of instability and violence. Because failure risks
devastating consequences in the region and beyond, it is critically important
that the conference succeed.
Bearing in mind the lessons of the last attempt at Camp David
seven years ago at dealing with the fundamental political issues that divide
the two sides, we believe that in order to be successful, the outcome of the
conference must be substantive, inclusive, and relevant to the daily lives of
Israelis and Palestinians.
The international conference should deal with the substance of a
permanent peace: Because a comprehensive peace accord is unattainable by
November, the conference should focus on the endgame and endorse the contours
of a permanent peace, which in turn should be enshrined in a Security Council
resolution. Israeli and Palestinian leaders should strive to reach such an
agreement. If they cannot, the Quartet (US, EU, Russia, and UN Secretary
General)—under whose aegis the conference ought to be held— should
put forward its own outline, based on UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and
338, the Clinton parameters of 2000, the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, and the
2003 Road Map. It should reflect the following:
* Two
states, based on the lines of June 4, 1967, with minor, reciprocal, and
agreed-upon modifications as expressed in a 1:1 land swap;
*
Jerusalem as home to two capitals, with Jewish neighborhoods falling under
Israeli sovereignty and Arab neighborhoods under Palestinian sovereignty;
*
Special arrangements for the Old City, providing each side control of its
respective holy places and unimpeded access by each community to them;
* A
solution to the refugee problem that is consistent with the two-state solution,
addresses the Palestinian refugees' deep sense of injustice, as well as
provides them with meaningful financial compensation and resettlement
assistance;
*
Security mechanisms that address Israeli concerns while respecting Palestinian
sovereignty.
The conference should not be a one-time affair. It should set in
motion credible and sustained permanent status negotiations under international
supervision and with a timetable for their completion, so that both a two-state
solution and the Arab Peace Initiative's full potential (normal, peaceful
relations between Israel and all Arab states) can be realized.
The international conference should be inclusive:
* In
order to enhance Israel's confidence in the process, Arab states that currently
do not enjoy diplomatic relations with Israel should attend the conference.
* We
commend the administration for its decision to invite Syria to the conference;
it should be followed by genuine engagement. A breakthrough on this track could
profoundly alter the regional landscape. At a minimum, the conference should
launch Israeli-Syrian talks under international auspices.
* As to
Hamas, we believe that a genuine dialogue with the organization is far
preferable to its isolation; it could be conducted, for example, by the UN and
Quartet Middle East envoys. Promoting a cease-fire between Israel and Gaza would
be a good starting point.
The international conference should produce results relevant to
the daily lives of Israelis and Palestinians: Too often in the past, progress
has been stymied by the gap between lofty political statements and dire
realities on the ground. The conference therefore should also result in
agreement on concrete steps to improve living conditions and security,
including a mutual and comprehensive cease-fire in the West Bank and Gaza, an
exchange of prisoners, prevention of weapons smuggling, cracking down on
militias, greater Palestinian freedom of movement, the removal of unjustified
checkpoints, dismantling of Israeli outposts, and other tangible measures to
accelerate the process of ending the occupation.
It is of utmost importance, if the conference is to have any
credibility, that it coincide with a freeze in Israeli settlement expansion. It
is impossible to conduct a serious discussion on ending the occupation while
settlement expansion proceeds apace. Efforts also should focus on alleviating
the situation in Gaza and allowing the resumption of its economic life.
These three elements are closely interconnected; one cannot occur
in the absence of the others. Unless the conference yields substantive results
on permanent status, neither side will have the motivation or public support to
take difficult steps on the ground. If Syria or Hamas is ostracized, prospects
that they will play a spoiler role increase dramatically. This could take the
shape of escalating violence from the West Bank or from Gaza, either of which
would overwhelm any political achievement, increase the political cost of
compromises for both sides, and negate Israel's willingness or capacity to
relax security restrictions. By the same token, a comprehensive cease-fire or
prisoner exchange is not possible without Hamas's cooperation. And unless both
sides see concrete improvements in their lives, political agreements are likely
to be dismissed as mere rhetoric, further undercutting support for a two-state
solution.
The fact that the parties and the international community
appear—after a long, costly seven-year hiatus—to be thinking of
resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is welcome news. Because the stakes
are so important, it is crucial to get it right. That means having the ambition
as well as the courage to chart new ground and take bold steps.
Signatories:
Zbigniew Brzezinski
Former National Security Adviser to President Jimmy Carter
Lee H. Hamilton
Former Congressman (D-IN) and Co-chair of the Iraq Study Group
Carla Hills
Former U.S. Trade Representative under President George H.W. Bush
Nancy Kassebaum-Baker
Former Senator (R-KS)
Thomas R. Pickering
Former Under Secretary of State under President Bill Clinton
Brent Scowcroft
Former National Security Adviser to President Gerald Ford and
President George H.W. Bush
Theodore C. Sorensen
Former Special Counsel and Adviser to President John F. Kennedy
Paul Volcker
Former Chairman of the Board of Governors of the U.S. Federal Reserve
System
New Signatories Since October 10, 2007
(Signatories are signing in their individual rather than
institutional capacities)
Fouad Alghanim
Member of International Board, USMEP
Jodie Allen
Senior Editor, Pew Research Center; Former Editor of the Outlook
Section, Washington Post
Harriet Babbitt
Former U.S. Ambassador to the Organization of American States;
Former Director of the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs
Birch Bayh
Former U.S. Senator (D-IN)
Shlomo Ben-Ami
Former Foreign Minister of Israel
Stephen Bosworth
Dean, The Fletcher School at Tufts University; Former Ambassador
to Korea, Philippines and Tunisia
Lincoln Chafee
Distinguished Visiting Fellow at Brown UniversityÕs Watson
Institute for International Studies; Former U.S. Senator (R-RI)
Steven Clemons
Senior Fellow & Director, New America Foundation/American
Strategy Program
Harvey Cox
Hollis Professor of Divinity, Harvard Divinity School
Michael Cox
Professor, London School of Economics and Director of the Cold War
Studies Centre
Edward Djerejian
Director, James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy, Rice
University; Former Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs;
Former U.S. Ambassador to Israel
James Dobbins
Former Assistant Secretary of State
Joseph Duffey
Director, U.S. Information Agency, 1993-1999; Assistant Secretary
of State for Education and Culture, 1977
Peter Edelman
Professor of Law and Co-Director of the Joint Degree in Law and
Public Policy; Former Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation
Gareth Evans
President & CEO of International Crisis Group; Former Foreign
Minister of Australia
Leon Fuerth
Former National Security Advisor to Vice President Al Gore
Philip H. Gordon
Senior Fellow for U.S. Foreign Policy, Brookings Institution
Morton Halperin
Executive Director, Open Society Policy Center; Director of U.S.
Advocacy, Open Society Institute; Former Director of the Policy Planning Staff,
U.S. Department of State, 1998-2001
Gary Hart
Wirth Chair at the University of Colorado; Chair of the Council
for a Livable World and the American Security Project; Former U.S. Senator
(D-CO)
Rita E. Hauser
Former Member of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory
Board
William J. vanden Heuvel
Chair, Emeritus of the Franklin & Eleanor Roosevelt Institute;
Former U.S. Deputy Permanent Representative to the United Nations
Samuel M. Hoskinson
Executive Vice President, Jefferson Waterman International; Former
Vice Chairman, National Intelligence Council; National Intelligence Officer for
the Middle East and Senior National Security Council Staff Officer under three
National Security Advisors
Joseph Hotung
Chairman and Managing Director, Ho Hung Hing Estates Ltd., Hong
Kong and United Kingdom; Member of International Board, USMEP
Amory Houghton, Jr.
Former U.S. Congressman (R-NY)
Robert E. Hunter
Senior Advisor, RAND Corporation; Former U.S. Ambassador to NATO
Robert Hutchings
Diplomat in Residence, Woodrow Wilson School at Princeton
University; Former Chairman of the National Intelligence Council
Anwar Ibrahim
Former Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister of Malaysia
Michael Intriligator
Professor of Economics at UCLA; Former Director, UCLA Burkle
Center for International Relations
Robert Jervis
Adlai E. Stevenson Professor of International Affairs at Columbia
University; Former President, American Political Science Association
Herbert C. Kelman
Richard Clarke Cabot Professor of Social Ethics, Emeritus, Harvard
University; Former Director, Program on International Conflict Analysis and
Resolution, Weatherhead Center for International Affairs
Said Khoury
President, Consolidated Contractors International Company S.A.L.,
Greece; Member of International Board, USMEP
Lawrence Korb
Senior Fellow at the Center for American Progress; Senior Advisor
to the Center for Defense Information; Former Senior Fellow & Director of
National Security Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations; Former Assistant
Secretary of Defense
Flynt Leverett
Director, Geopolitics of Energy Initiative and Senior Fellow, New
America Foundation; Former Senior Director for Middle East Affairs, National
Security Council; Former Middle East expert on the Secretary of StateÕs Policy
Planning Staff; Former Senior Analyst, Central Intelligence Agency
Daniel Levy
Director, Middle East Policy Initiative, New America Foundation;
Senior Fellow, Century Foundation; Lead Israeli Drafter, Geneva Initiative;
Member of Israeli Delegation, Taba Negotiations
Anatol Lieven
Professor of War Studies, Kings College London; Senior Research
Fellow, New America Foundation
Fouad Makhzoumi
Chairman, National Dialogue Party, Lebanon; Member of International
Board, USMEP, Chairman, Future Pipe Group; Founder Makhzoumi Foundation
Robert Malley
Middle East and North Africa Program Director, International
Crisis Group; Non-resident Senior Fellow at USMEP
John R. Malott
Former U.S. Ambassador to Malaysia; Former Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State for South Asian Affairs
Lenore Martin
Professor of Political Science, Emmanuel College; Associate,
Harvard University's Weatherhead Center for International Affairs
John McLaughlin
Former Deputy Director, Central Intelligence Agency
John Mearsheimer
Professor of Political Science, University of Chicago
Everett Mendelsohn
Professor Emeritus of the History of Science, Harvard University
Diana Villiers Negroponte
Foreign Policy Studies, Brookings Institution
William Nitze
President, The Committee for the Republic
Augustus Richard Norton
Professor of International Relations and Anthropology, Boston
University
Ayo Obe
Chair of the Steering Committee, World Movement for Democracy;
Former Vice President, Civil Liberties Organisation, Nigeria
Adnan Abu Odeh
Former Political Adviser to King Abdullah II and to King Hussein
of Jordan; Former Jordanian Permanent Representative to the United Nations
William E. Odom
Lieutenant General, U.S. Army (Ret.); Senior Fellow, Hudson
Institute; Professor of Political Science, Yale University; Former Director of
the National Security Agency, 1985-1988
Hutham Olayan
President & CEO, Olayan America Corporation; U.S.A. Member of International
Board, USMEP
Christopher Patten
Co-Chair of International Crisis Group; Chancellor of the
University of Oxford; Former EU Commissioner for Foreign Relations; Former
Commander in Chief and British Governor of Hong Kong
Edward L. Peck
Former U.S. Chief of Mission to Iraq; Former Ambassador to
Mauritania
Paul R. Pillar
Visiting Professor, Security Studies Program, Georgetown
University; Former National Intelligence Officer for the Near East and South
Asia, Central Intelligence Agency
Larry Pressler
Former U.S. Senator (R-SD) & Member of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee; Member, Council on Foreign Relations
William B. Quandt
Edward R. Stettinius Professor of Politics, University of Virginia
Felix Rohatyn
Former U.S. Ambassador to France
Theodore Roosevelt IV
Managing Director, Lehman Brothers
Richard J. Samuels
Ford International Professor of Political Science & Director, Center for
International Studies at Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Pierre Schori
Director General of FRIDE; Former Special Representative of the
U.N. Secretary-General; Former Swedish Ambassador to the United Nations; Former
Deputy Foreign Minister, Government of Sweden
J. J. Sheehan
General, U.S. Marine Corps (Ret.)
Eric Shinseki
General, US Army (Ret.)
Former Chief of Staff, U.S. Army
Henry Siegman
President, US/Middle East Project, Inc.
Dimitri K. Simes
President, The Nixon Center; Publisher, The National Interest
Anne-Marie Slaughter
Dean, Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs,
Princeton University
Stephen J. Solarz
Former U.S. Congressman (D-NY)
Henry Steiner
Jeremiah Smith, Jr. Professor of Law, Emeritus, Harvard Law School
Richard Vague
Chairman and CEO of Adagio Partners
Stephen Walt
Robert and Renee Belfer Professor in International Affairs
John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University
Phil Wilcox
President, Foundation for Middle East Peace; Former U.S.
Ambassador at Large; Former Special Assistant to the Undersecretary for
Management at the U.S. Department of State; Former Director for Regional
Affairs, Bureau for Middle Eastern and South Asian Affairs, U.S. Department of
State
Lawrence B. Wilkerson
Colonel, U.S. Army (Ret.); Pamela C. Harriman Visiting Professor
of Government, College of William Mary; Professorial Lecturer, George
Washington University; Former Chief of Staff, U.S. Department of State; Former
Director, U.S. Marine Corps War College
Joseph Wilson
Ambassador in President George H. W. BushÕs Administration;
Special Assistant to President Clinton; Senior Director for African Affairs,
National Security Council
Timothy Wirth
President, U.N. Foundation; Former U.S. Senator (D-CO)
Frank Wisner
Former U.S. Ambassador to Zambia, Egypt, the Philippines and
India; Former Under Secretary of Defense for Policy; Former Under Secretary of
State for International Security Affairs; Vice Chairman of External Affairs at
American International Group
John S. Wolf
Former Chief Monitor, the Middle East Roadmap, Department of
State; Former U.S. Ambassador